Jordanian political scientist: “Going one step further”

The Kingdom of Jordan is set to elect a new parliament for the first time since recent reforms, but Edmund Ratka believes implementation will be difficult.

Symbolizing the breadth of Jordan’s political landscape: election posters in the capital Amman Photo: Jehad Shelbak/Reuters

taz: Mr. Ratka, there have been a number of reforms in Jordan in 2022. The kingdom should be more democratic, and political parties should have a greater presence in the political system. Have they been successful?

Edmund Latka: This reform is a step forward, at least on paper. Previously, political parties were given little importance and were given a critical role in the government. The new law sends an important signal. Currently, about a third of the seats in parliament are reserved for political parties, and this will increase in the future. Popular politicians who were previously independents are now leading political parties, and many new parties have been created.

taz: So everything is going smoothly?

Latka: As with previous reform plans in Jordan, the problem lies in implementation. The state authorities are doing their best to promote this “political modernization” but have sometimes been less than neutral in the process. Important forces are said to have been disadvantaged. For example, a prominent opposition party has been unable to complete the necessary new registration due to official obstacles. There is suspicion that there is a political motivation behind this. The state wants to give the parties more space, but still wants to keep its hands off of them.

taz: Giving more power to political parties was not the only goal of the reform. Women and young people also had to be supported in politics.

Latka: There are now quotas for women and youth on party membership and electoral rolls. This says little about the quality of their commitment, but several parties are now led by women. And at political seminars for young people, we found serious consideration of participation. However, it would be wrong to say that the whole country is swept up in a political movement fever. It is not easy to pick up an ordinary teenager. There has been great disappointment and distrust in political institutions.

taz: A survey by Jordanian research institute Nama Strategic Intelligence Solutions projected a turnout of at least 35%, compared with just 30% in the last election in 2020.

Latka: Now it is also the job of the politicians of the party to show the people that we are serious. This is not just a democratic rhetoric, but that through voting we can actually bring about change. Because many people still do not believe it. There are reasons for this. For example, there are suspicions that the authorities are interfering with the party environment. There is also the question. What does this parliament actually decide? And here is already the problem.

taz: Because in Jordan the powers of parliament and its internal political parties are still limited?

Latka: Yes, the new legal framework has not yet brought about a breakthrough towards a true parliamentary monarchy. The reform process has initially strengthened the power of the king, especially in the area of ​​foreign policy. In Jordan, the prime minister is also appointed by the king. But this is not the case in Morocco, where, for example, the king must appoint the prime minister from the party with the most seats.

taz: The most powerful political parties in Jordan so far have been conservative Islamists, including the Islamic Action Front, the political wing of the Muslim Brotherhood.

Latka: Meanwhile, a new centrist party was also created, gaining thousands of members in a short period of time. I have spoken about the Jordanian paradox, that is, participation and control. People want to participate, but they are monitored by the state through a safety net. At some point, it is a limited playing field where parties can “practice” for taking on real government responsibilities. This experiment is certainly worth acknowledging, but it may be stopped again.

taz: Is it more aesthetic than actual democracy?

Latka: I believe it is more than that. There are committed candidates. There is now a more prominent space for participation and political debate, although still limited, than before the reforms began.

taz: The Gaza war could help parties like the Islamic Action Front win, which has made strong pro-Palestinian statements and does not recognize the peace treaty between Israel and Jordan.

Latka: Gaza is a big problem in Jordan. In principle, all political forces have clearly expressed their solidarity with Palestine. The secular liberal forces, often associated with the West, are now under greater pressure and I think the IAF will benefit from this. However, I don’t think this will lead to a landslide victory for them. At least these elections will not change society or foreign policy. This is what this safety net guarantees. And many Jordanians are well aware that good relations with the West are in the national interest.

taz: There have been reports of weapons being found in Jordan in recent months, and the Palestinian militia Hamas is gaining popularity. Is Jordan’s internal stability at risk?

Latka: The Gaza war reinforces the elements of instability. This is also linked to the economic crisis. Tourism, for example, has been severely affected. And there is dissatisfaction among some sections of the population with the government and its continued relationship with Israel. However, these tensions are not strong enough to undermine the stability of the country. There is political hardening and radicalization of the youth. There is also disappointment with the West, which could be reflected in the vote for Islamist forces. This remains to be seen, but for now it does not pose a threat to stability.